Don’t Look Up! From the Pages of the Boomer Backlash

There’s a strange symmetry going on. As the environmental crisis spirals and descends further, as the horror and reality of our predicament is revealed before us,  animosity towards anyone who actually wants to do anything about it increases. There is a real Green Backlash going on. As Vicky Allan notes in the Herald (‘We need a leader who cares for climate‘): “There are those who want to see any net zero or environmental policy stopped in its tracks. Whether it’s deposit return, highly protected marine areas (HPMAs), a speedy transition from fossil fuels to renewable energy, all are under fire. And not just in a bid to iron out flaws in the policies. The desire, all too often, seems to be to stop them dead.”

It’s everywhere.

Allister Heath, the Editor of the Sunday Telegraph penned an article in which he argued “Net zero is a Trojan horse for the total destruction of Western society” and warned we should prepare for “a people’s revolution against policies that will abolish choice and impoverish millions”. Even by the Telegraph’s standards it was bonkers but such wild nonsense can be found spouting forth from Scottish and British columnists every day of the week. Whether its Stephen Daisley (‘The shame of the SNP’s grubby power-sharing deal with the Scottish Greens’) or Brian Monteith (‘SNP must distance the party from Nicola Sturgeon and Greens’) or Alex Massie or Iain Macwhirter (‘Is the SNP ready to ditch the Green coalition? Looks very like it’) or Brian Wilson (‘Kate Forbes’ victory could end coalition with Scottish Greens’), Chris Deerin or Euan McColm or Torcuil Crichton (‘Cynical move keeps Greens happy’) the Greens are the target boys (and girls) of an enormous wrath. This Boomer Rage rains down from the pages of the Times, the Spectator, the Scotsman, the Herald and beyond.

 

The commentators are uniform and operate in a media monoculture of white men of a certain vintage. They detest the Greens for various reasons – some economic – some constitutional – but their combined rage is characterised by absolute certainty. All were salivating at the prospect of a Kate Forbes victory and all are now licking their wounds and pivoting from giving Sturgeon a regular kicking to putting the boot into her replacement. In this strange media landscape there is a consensus now between the Alt Nats and populist wing of the independence movement, elements of the Scottish left and the right-wing unionist scribes gathered above. Of course some of this is disguised by the consensus against gender recognition reform and a coalition that spans from genuine transphobia to cultural conservatism with a stop-off for generational ignorance in-between.

But some of this strange coalition is bound together by a weird amnesia about climate breakdown and a commitment to grow or die economics and a love-affair with oil and gas.

If Anglo-Britain seems to be being dragged ever-backwards to a post-Empire era of the 1950s, the Scottish commentariat seem destined for the 1970s. Here Macwhirter spouts a classic of this oeuvre on his Substack pages:

“The Greens are opposed to economic growth in principle and want to “accelerate” the close down the oil and gas industry in the North Sea by the end of the decade. Theirs is a not a world view shared by most members of the Scottish National Party.  The whole point of independence is supposed to be to liberate the Scottish economy from the “dead hand” of Westminster rule and increase economic growth.  The party has also had great historic affection for the hydrocarbon industry, revenues from which were always regarded as essential to justify the economic case for Scottish independence.

Cynics might say that the SNP has been rather successful in promoting the anti-growth agenda since the Scottish economy has been underperforming the rest of the UK. But this is accident rather than ideological design. The SNP membership wants more growth not less to meet Scotland’s enduring social problems like poverty and homelessness and to shore up the collapsing NHS.”

You can almost feel the veins bulging as you read.

Aside from the quaint idea that perpetual growth on a finite planet is a viable option in 2023, or that from growth economics spouts forth prosperity and equality (have a look around you) many of these columnists occupy a world in which the climate crisis is just not happening at all. Or if it is it is going on somewhere else, in some remote parts of the world we needn’t worry about. In this world we don’t need do anything about collapsing fish stocks or catastrophic marine bio-diversity. We live in a nation where a bottle deposit scheme – as run in small European countries since the 1970s – are some sort of weird radical absurdity – and basic green policies that reflect the most modest response to the nightmarish world we have inherited are to be mocked and ridiculed. It’s like living in a country where the only people who spread their worldviews from the pulpit of their newspaper columns are golf-club bores and angry old men rocked by the reality of a changing world, who harangue others and vent their spleen about the ‘youth of today’, ‘bloody women; and ‘vegetarians’.

This is a world where Adam McKay’s Don’t Look Up and Alan Jay Lerner’s Brigadoon have combined into an epic dystopian musical, where business people in government will bring ‘common sense’ and where opposing gay marriage is mainstream and fine in 2023. In some senses I get it, change is scary and climate change is terrifying. But the consequences of this one-dimensional domination of the pages of your paper and the airwaves of your radio is a monoculture of denialism and hubris where the egos of white male journalists are massaged and the reality of our predicament is sacrificed.

 

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  1. Politically Homeless says:

    48% of the party voted Forbes, in spite of the SGP’s express threat to end the coalition arrangement.

    In other words fully half of the party would rather have lost the ability to govern if it meant a replacement of something more culturally to the “right” than the Sturgeon project, and the denial of its deeply unimpressive heir apparent.

    Meanwhile the SGP – Sturgeonism is just “global green party” politics plus triangulation and a perfunctory dash of nationalism to keep the plebs distracted – are a fringe party in electoral terms. Like it or not what this article castigates as abject reaction is in reality just the sentiment of Scotland outside of particular kinds of metropolitan, globalist corporate and third sector bubbles.

  2. BSA says:

    I feel your pain.

  3. Ian S says:

    “You can almost feel the veins bulging as you read.”

    Wonderful imagery because it’s true

    “…or that from growth economics spouts forth prosperity and equality (have a look around you) ”

    My take on this is that economic growth sparks opportunity and grasping for crumbs in the majority who are inclined to believe that their trinkets are a measure of absolute success. It’s a numbers game. Give that illusion to enough people and you’ve won by default.

    “…and basic green policies that reflect the most modest response to the nightmarish world we have inherited are to be mocked and ridiculed”

    As my point above, moderate, fair measures have no place where it tempers the expectations of the ‘minority of the majority’ who feel that the current state of affairs benefit them and any change is to be resisted. In short, precarious conservatism.

    Greed will win every fight, at least until the time where enough are wealthy enough that greed becomes obscene. How can that be done? I’m not sure it can and it seems that fiddling while Rome burns is the best response we can expect from politicians, voters, non voters and especially ‘businessmen’ who profit from the status quo, in short, all people, the ‘demos’. Even with millions in poverty, this shit will have to get a whole lot harder before it gets better.

  4. John Monro says:

    I feel the same emotions, Mikem, I convey the same arguments to anyone who might read or listen.. It’s exactly the same here in NZ – two very similar countries in size and wealth (GDP per capita around $50,000 both countries, population of NZ 5.1 million, Scotland 5.4 million0 – a useful comparison, or perhaps controlled experiment ,of national governance, and a stark demonstration of the uselessness of independence or of union in terms of national status, when not also allied to independence of thought, reason and morals. .

  5. Alastair McIntosh says:

    This piece engages with an issue that, speaking for myself, I wrestle with constantly within myself; and I speak as the author of 2 books on climate change, both of which set out the consensus expert science. The nub lies in Mike’s opening 2 sentences: “There’s a strange symmetry going on. As the environmental crisis spirals and descends further, as the horror and reality of our predicament is revealed before us, animosity towards anyone who actually wants to do anything about it increases.”

    One example that he gives is HPMAs (which are stirring serious and I think justified concern from within Scotland’s coastal communities). However, greatly to Bella’s credit, on the same day (31 Mar) it also published the marine biologist Caitlin Turner’s excellent article, “On Highly Protected Marine Areas”. She unpacks why HPMAs are both needed, and why they are causing concern. And she points a way ahead by showing why such designations must be developed jointly with coastal communities, and not without them.

    It’s a parallel situation on land with the “rewilding” debate. Yesterday’s announcement (see my Twitter thread) that the UK Investment Bank is to pump millions as a bridging loan into Jeremy Leggett’s “Highlands Rewilding” which is already in course of holding 3 Scottish estates and hopes to acquire up to 20. What’s not to love “rewilding”? It sounds great from outwith Scotland, but from within, ecological restoration (as we’ve tended to call it) must go and is going hand in hand with “repeopling”, and that, through our democratically mandated process of land reform. To have the City of London hand in hand with Westminster policy working with NatureScot and unclear processes within the Scottish Govt, all to finance land ownership when it’s not the community that are in the driving seat is very worrying. It may be OK, but community sanction must be foremost. Furthermore, irrespective of the arguments that discredit carbon “offsetting”, it ties in with all those 1990s debates about “weak” (i.e. monetarised) versus “strong” (i.e. natural and human ecological) sustainability, inluding whether nature can meaningfully and helpfully be “financialised”, and where this leaves the locus of community power and agency.

    What we see in both these examples – HPMAs and ‘rewilding’ – is the law of unintended consequences at play. For me, that accounts for much of the “strange symmetry” that Mike so perceptively lays out. With climate change, such strangeness plays at multiple levels. Like with a new medicine, many of the apparent obvious “solutions” don’t add up, or have unintended downsides that might make the cure worse than the disease. An example would be the “demand” for “net zero” by 2025 (now 2 years time) that remains on XR’s UK website. “Well, yes,” say the geoengineers. “Great idea! That’s why we propose … solar radiation modification!”

    Where does this leave us – both in the often damaging divisions with one another (such as Gerry Hassan explores on Bella this week – “Where Stands Scotland after the SNP Leadership Election?”, 30 March), and gutwrenchingly within ourselves? For me, it constantly calls me back to remembering that I, and probably most of us, dont have answers that can add up sufficiently to the human predicaments of our times. Often the positions that we hold will be in conflict with each other, if we’re honest with ourselves. That was why, in my Bella piece “Political Theology and Public Service” (21 Feb), I nodded to the “Caledonian antisysygy”: the supposed Scottish ability to hold opposites in tension, thereby to quake, but to generate voltage. I believe we also have to try and hold one another in such tension rather than in rejection or denigration. We’re all part of the community. When the time comes to pull the boat up the beach in a storm, we all need to put our shoulders to the “demanding common task”.

    Caitlin’s article on HPMAs is a fine example of that. She honestly sets out what’s most challenging. Namely, the tension between conservation and community. In so doing, her article invites new openings of the way. I commend her article as a pattern and example of discussion, and thank Bella Caledonia for carrying a range of such perspectives.

    1. babs nicgriogair says:

      Well said, Alastair !

  6. David Robins says:

    “And not just in a bid to iron out flaws in the policies. The desire, all too often, seems to be to stop them dead.”

    Surely, this is because the policies often are flawed but everyone with influence is in panic mode, too busy wanting to DO SOMETHING to listen to constructive criticism. Greenwash is everywhere. The only effective way to call out massive anti-democratic deception – the carbon credits, the hedge-fund accounting scams, and all the rest – is to pull the plug on eco-politics. Panic leads to the presumption that democracy isn’t fast enough and so solutions must be imposed, against the will of communities, because convincing them is hard work, and we know best (and the banks are with us). It’s no surprise if communities fight back, with whatever tools they have.

    Why does anyone think the Greens care about green issues? They were happy to lose Andy Wightman, the one Green MSP who knew what he was talking about but wanted “an environment that is more tolerant, questioning, critical, empathetic and more willing to listen”, which the Greens were unwilling to provide.

    Eco-politics is dying (great!) because too many of its advocates are doubleplusgood duckspeakers with no informed interest in the environment, but a weird determination to force-team their cause with irrelevancies.

    1. But David – carbon credits, the hedge-fund accounting scams – are in no way representative of the vast bulk of environmental activism, research and political organising? These are not the same things?

    2. Nick Gotts says:

      David Robin’s comment is bizarrely confused.

      ” The only effective way to call out massive anti-democratic deception – the carbon credits, the hedge-fund accounting scams, and all the rest – is to pull the plug on eco-politics.”
      The Greens, and other practitioners of “eco-poliitcs”, if that term is to mean anything (e.g. Greenpeace, Global Justice Now, XR – I name these not because I agree with everything they say, but because they are obvious examples) are precisely the ones who are calling out “the carbon credits, the hedge-fund accounting scams, and all the rest”.

      “Why does anyone think the Greens care about green issues?”
      As far as the Scotish Green Party (SGP) are concerned, because most of the points in the Bute House Agreement (both those agreed, and those on which the SGP remain free to differ from the SNP) are focused on green issues: fossil fuels, renewables, transport, biodiversity…
      ” They were happy to lose Andy Wightman, the one Green MSP who knew what he was talking about”
      Wightman chose to leave the party – and incidentally, reneged on the commitment all our MSP candidates give to resign as MSPs if they do so – because he didn’t agree with the party’s support of trans rights. We weren’t “happy” to lose him, but we are a democratic party, our MSPs agree to act in accordance with party policy, which is decided at our annual conference, at which all members can attend, speak, and vote. The voters of Highlands and Islands region subsequently chose not to elect Wightman as an independent, and did elect a Scottish Green, Ariane Burgess. Incidentally Lorna Slater, our co-leader, worked as an engineer in the renewable energy sector before becoming a full-time politician.

      The source of Robins’ confusion is simple: the Scottish Greens view social justice issues – including the rights of both communities and minorities – as essential to solving the environmental crisis as well as vital in themselves, while Robins sees these issues as ” irrelevancies”. Of course we don’t always get things right and we have plenty of internal debate, but on this fundamental point, our MSPs, councillors and I believe the vast majority of our members, agree.

      1. David Robins says:

        “the Scottish Greens view social justice issues – including the rights of both communities and minorities – as essential to solving the environmental crisis as well as vital in themselves”

        Then the confusion is all yours.

  7. Anne Thomas says:

    The trouble is that a lot of the anti-Green lobbying contains a lot of misinformation which is then re-circulated. For instance HPMAs have been proposed for 10% Scottish seas, but the current process is all about Community Consultation to work out where and how these should be implemented and how to protect local fishing livelihoods. They have successfully been operating in places like New Zealand and fishers now have increased catches not less, as fish are able to recover in the protected areas but don’t stay there. There is also discussion about bringing back a 2 mile limit where industrial trawling is not allowed which would benefit local small scale fishers who were very hard hit when it was abolished and now have to catch shell fish as there’s nothing else left in inshore areas. Ariane Burgess MSP has produced a great podcast series looking at HPMAs and other issues talking to the relevant stakeholders. I recommend them https://open.spotify.com/episode/39vhusYjIDSbpDvf3qj8DS

    1. Thanks Anne, very useful

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